Bkgrnd
The past – inequality announced
The past – inequality announced
According to the historian Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, it was the
slavery mentality, of the casa grande e senzala (big house and slave
quarters) that fundament Brazilian's modus vivendi. Based on a type of
political, economic and social organization artificially maintained by
an external force, the Brazilian state brought more continuity than
rupture with the model instated by the European colonizer:
"When the independence is declared, the local dominant class
nationalize itself with joy, preparing to profit with the autonomous
regime, very much like it profited with the colonial. (...) It
represented the translate of a political regency, from the king to its
son, now settled in rio de janeiro, where it would negotiate the
national independence with the hegemonic potency of its time, England"
(1)
It is in this sense that cultural, economic and social traces, molded
by four hundred years of slavery, structuring itself as a repressive
and controlling political-administrative machine, that Brazilian power
always benefited an elite, establishing that certain attitudes of the
rural patriarchy soon would be common to all the classes as a ideal
conducting norm.
By urbanizing forcibly millions of workers and effectively shutting
down the knowledge of our rural and indigenous population, of its
biodiversity, the richness of our heterogeneous cultural life against
the rational systems of organization of work and life, it occurred
slowly a complete depersonalization of the Brazilian people and an
understanding of its role, inside a society ever more "developed" for a
few. A monoculture (agrarian, cultural etc) was stated everywhere in
the country, and this homogeneity can testified, for example, by the
Portuguese language, adopted freely in all regions.
In modern times, this archaic (des)organization encountered a new form,
the military dictatorship. The recent Brazilian democracy inherited
from the military period serious economic problems, aggravated by a
series of huge external financings (to build national infrastructure).
The period called “Brazilian Miracle” actually culminated in the crisis
of the external debt in 1982, when the debts, inflation and social
tensions started to disseminate all around the country. During the 90’s
it was registered the highest inflation in the history of Brazilian
economy, 2639% a year.
These tensions of course aggravated the social structure. Disparate
income distribution caused violence, a great number of abandoned or
working children, and a lot of very young or old women found themselves
responsible for entire families without adequate public help. Crime had
also organized itself (specially in Rio, where during the dictatorship
years political prisoners divided cells with criminals, shaping the
first organized criminal faction of the city) and a succession of
corruption cases in all levels of power. The judiciary system
collapsed, opening doors for impunity, more corruption, narcotraffic
and "white collar" (colarinho-branco) crimes.
Currently, the biggest problem of this country is perhaps that a great
portion of its population is condemned to live in situations of extreme
poverty (over 40% according to IBGE), where mass unemployment and
informality cause social exclusion, inside an economy ever more
dependent of the centers of global financial capital. This constant
dependency has only deepened the contradictions between the privatized
state and the Brazilian people. Again according to IBGE 10% of the
population richest' income is 30 times superior than the income of 40%
of the poorest, being this rich portion of 10% the ones who benefit
from 50% of the total national income.
This inequality was historically triggered by the lack of actions and
strategies that could influence the decisions related to access and use
of resources capable of altering these structures, as much as propose
new ones. Illegality in habitation and communication mediums are a
result of this lack of compromise with these basic rights. Allied to
the economic inequality and political negligence, a bureaucracy
reinforces the process that triggers illegality, creating many informal
markets ever more powerful.
Our dilemma it is not, and it never was, scarcity but the mode of
production and distribution of abundance, that meaning, the inequality
- expressed as an economic inequality in the access and use of natural
resources, goods and services; the symbolic inequality in the
production of knowledge, identity and common values. It is this, and
not poverty per se, not a developing but a distributional paradigm, our
biggest challenge.
(1) Ribeiro, Darcy “O povo
Brasileiro” pg 252
(2) The “Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios” (National
Research by domicile samples/ Pnad), from “Instituto Brasileiro de
Geografia e Estatística” (Brazilian Institute for Geography and
Statistics/ IBGE), revels that workers without a signed work permit
represent 46,6 % of the employed population in 2002, higher than the
previously observed 43,8 % in 1992.
Bibliography
Barbero, Jesús Martín. Nuevos Regímenes de
Visualidad y Des-centramientos Culturales (apostila) Bogotá,
Colômbia, 1998.
Ribeiro, Darcy O povo Brasileiro
De Holanda, Sérgio Buarque Raízes do Brasil
Selaimen, Graciela Cúpula Mundial sobre a sociedade da
informacão
Santos, Milton O espaço do cidadão, Nobel, 4º
edição – SP, 1998
Pignatari, Décio Cultura pós-nacionalista, Imaggo – RJ,
1998
Kunsch e Fishman, Margarida Maria Krohling e Roseli,
Organização, Mídia
e Tolerância – a ciência construindo caminhos da liberdade,
Kucinski, Bernardo Mídia e democracia no Brasil, EdUsp
part I
A perfect colonization and a TV channel
brazilian
Background
the soup-opera republic
part II
An alternative to change realities
what is mimoSa
part III
People, technology and machinery involved
people
technology
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